The rebellions and
movements that we examined in Chapters 10 and 11 each sought, in their own way, to reform
what participants saw as the excesses of capitalism. Few of these movements, however,
offered a radical cultural alternative; that is, while they decried the constant economic
and social change, the uneven distribution of wealth, the exploitation and marginalization
of selected groups, or the environmental damage fostered by the culture of capitalism,
none actively sought to replace it with another. Peasants seek land, not the overthrow of
the society that displaces them; laborers seek higher wages and better working conditions
within the culture of capitalism from which, in their other roles as consumers and
capitalists, they benefit; women and minorities seek improved status within the existing
society; indigenous groups struggle to be left alone; and environmental protesters, with
the exception of those who offer a largely undefined spiritual alternative, seek only
greater environmental safeguards.
Communism was often depicted as a major
challenger to capitalism, yet communism and its authorsLenin, Stalin, and
Maonever rejected the larger nineteenth-century culture of industrial capitalism.
They sought largely to modify the nationstate to give workers greater influence and
to obtain a more equitable distribution of wealth within a system of production,
distribution, and consumption that differed little, if at all, from that of capitalism.
They simply wanted to replace private capitalism with state capitalism. Even Marx and
Engels did not call for overthrow of the industrial order; their solution was to seize the
nationstate and raise the power of labor above or at least equal to the power of
capital (the power of people over the power of money). The views of Marx and Engels (like
those of many early nineteenth-century industrialists) were utopian; they called for the
end of private property, recognition of the equality of women, dismantling of the
patriarchal nuclear family, and discarding of organized religion. But the only groups to
attempt to follow that or a similar agenda were the small utopian or intentional
communities that proliferated in the first half of the nineteenth century, such as New
Harmony, the Oneida Community, and Amana, and later, following the political unrest of
1968, Twin Oaks and the many small communal groups that thrived in late 1960s and early
1970s, a few of which survive today (Kanter 1972; Erasmus 1972; Oved 1988).
While the peasant, labor, feminist, indigenous,
and environmental protests and rebellions did not seek to change the basic tenets of the
culture of capitalism, there were and are movements to overthrow and replace it. Most of
these are religious in character; through some spiritual agency these groups seek either
the removal or destruction of what they believe is an immoral culture, a withdrawal from
it, or the forceful or voluntary adoption of a new way of life.
Religion has always had a revolutionary element;
most religions began as a rebellion against one or another established order. Christianity
began as a Jewish protest against behaviors and beliefs that the protesters felt were
violations of Gods word. The gospels of the New Testament are clearly revolutionary
in intent, as we shall see when we examine the emergence of liberation theology, while the
Old Testament documents the struggles of people against what they believe is illegitimate
authority.
Yet the fact that religion is often the source of
antisystemic protest should not obscure the role of religion in legitimizing some of the
basic premises of the culture of capitalism. Certainly there was a good deal of
cooperation between the church and the state in the early expansion of the world system.
Missionaries accompanied the conquerors and explorers and helped pacify populations,
convert them to one or another brand of Christianity, and transform them into willing
laborers for the global economy. Missionaries served as a vanguard of capitalism by
introducing their converts to Western concepts of time, space, and the person embedded in
the culture of capitalism As Jean Comaroff (1985:27) observed,
The mission was an essential medium of, and
forerunner to, colonial articulation; it was the significant agent of ideological
innovation, a first instance in the confrontation between the local system and the global
forces of international capitalism. The coherent cultural scheme of the missionits
concepts of civilization, person, property, work, and timewas made up of categories
which anticipated and laid the ground for the process of proletarianization.
In his classic work, The Protestant Ethic and
the Spirit of Capitalism, Max Weber (1958) suggested that the Protestant Reformation
provided an ideological basis for capitalism as well as a motivation for making a profit
by equating material success with personal salvation and a sign of Gods blessing.
Historians have seen in religion of the nineteenth century a replacement for the moral
restraints that had been provided by family and community but destroyed by the explosive
growth of cities and the mobility of labor. Anthony F. C. Wallace (1987), for
example, pointed out how Irish immigrants in Pennsylvania confronted in the local Catholic
Church a replacement for behavioral restraints that had been provided by extended families
in Ireland, a moral restraint very much welcomed by mine owners, business people, and
others. Paul E. Johnson (1978) traced the religious revival in the United States in the
1830s and 1840s to the need for religion to replace the moral guidelines and social
constraints that had been provided in small rural communities by the family but absent in
the newly industrialized cities of the Northeast. As we saw in Chapter 1, most religious
leaders in the early twentieth century had little difficulty accommodating to the shift
from an ideology of self-denial to one of self-fulfillment and indulgence. Nevertheless,
while religion has served to buttress the assumptions of the culture of capitalism, it has
served in some forms also to resist them.